Saturday, September 12, 2009



Silvia Ribeiro*

La crisis climática se siente ya en todas partes: lluvias abundantes y fuera de temporada, mayores sequías y en lugares donde no las había, más inundaciones, fríos y calores extremos, huracanes más fuertes y en nuevas regiones, pérdida de cosechas, devastación de ecosistemas…

Ante esto, las empresas y gobiernos que han causado el cambio climático impulsan propuestas cada vez más peligrosas, como la geoingeniería o manipulación voluntaria del clima.

Casi ningún gobierno y ninguna industria se plantea cuestionar las causas del calentamiento global: la agricultura industrial (monocultivos agrícolas y de árboles, pecuaria intensiva, uso de agrotóxicos) y el cambio de uso de suelo (incluyendo deforestación, desertificación, crecimiento urbano y carreteras) son los principales factores de cambio climático, seguidos por la industria automovilística y las emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero de las grandes industrias. Pero las propuestas a la mesa son manipulaciones de mercado (como el comercio de carbono, que no reduce un ápice las emisiones pero es un jugoso negocio empresarial); aumentar los monocultivos agrícolas y de árboles (causas principales del cambio climático); y nuevos remedios tecnológicos que tampoco servirán, pero de nuevo, son un negocio para las empresas que tienen las patentes sobre ellos.

La nueva carta del poderoso lobby petrolero, químico y de agronegocios es la geoingeniería. Estas industrias, sus científicos de alquiler y el gobierno de Estados Unidos, se han dedicado por décadas a negar que había cambio climático y por tanto, no había necesidad de recortar las emisiones. Ahora cambiaron el discurso: reconocen que el cambio climático es grave y hay que tomar medidas. La solución perfecta, dicen, es la manipulación del clima a gran escala. No implica reducir emisiones, ni cambiar los patrones de producción y consumo –que ellos controlan y son su fuente de lucro–, sino hacer ingeniería climática para enfriar el planeta, que renovada todo el tiempo, permitirían incluso aumentar las emisiones, porque se contrarrestan sus eventuales efectos climáticos. La geoingeniería, agregan, es una solución de ganar-ganar: no hay que cambiar nada y crea nuevas fuentes de negocios.

Los gobiernos de las grandes potencias muestran creciente entusiasmo frente a la perspectiva de no tener que reducir emisiones en sus fuentes y ya han comenzado a desviar recursos públicos para investigación y experimentación en geoingeniería. El primero de septiembre, la Sociedad Real (Academia de Ciencias del Reino Unido) se sumó irresponsablemente al concierto, publicando un reporte elaborado por un selecto grupo de científicos –la mayoría involucrados en geoingeniería– que aunque reconoce que la geoingeniería implica riesgos, básicamente dice que se debe tomar en cuenta y aumentar su investigación y experimentación, como un plan B.

Entre las propuestas de geoingeniería está la fertilización de grandes áreas del océano con hierro o urea (para aumentar el plancton, absorber carbono y bajar la temperatura del mar), lanzar inmensas cantidades de compuestos sulfatados a la estratosfera creando una sombrilla que tape los rayos del sol, poner en órbita miles de millones de espejos que reflejen los rayos solares, manejar y desviar huracanes, inmensas plantaciones de cultivos y árboles transgénicos para agrocombustibles y sumideros de carbono, enormes parches de algas transgénicas en el mar para absorber carbono o el llamado biochar: quemar cantidades industriales de materia orgánica con pirólisis para enterrarlo en el suelo.

Cada propuesta en sí misma conlleva enormes riesgos y efectos secundarios. Por ejemplo, las partículas de sulfato en la estratosfera caerán luego a la tierra, produciendo la muerte prematura de 500 mil personas; la manipulación del mar por fertilización o algas transgénicas, desequilibra las cadenas alimentarias y los ecosistemas marinos; los espejos en el cielo serán manejados desde la Tierra –¿que tal si deciden usarlos como arma para freír algún país que moleste a quien controle las computadoras? ¿Dónde irá el reflejo si hay una caída del sistema?

Además, todas las propuestas comparten otros impactos. Para que el clima tome nota, necesariamente deben realizarse a megaescala. Una vez puestas en marcha, no hay vuelta atrás. El clima es un sistema global y no hay forma de predecir los impactos que la manipulación climática producirá en otras regiones: los países y poblaciones más vulnerables del Sur –que no contribuyen al caos climático, pero lo sufren– podrían recibir los peores impactos, con más descontrol climático y devastación de sus ecosistemas, afectando más a los pobres, campesinos, indígenas, pescadores artesanales. Tienen además un alto potencial de usos bélicos.

Los que proponen y tiene el dinero para financiar la geoingeniería son los que han causado el cambio climático. Aducen que esperar a un consenso global sobre el tema es demasiado lento para la gravedad de la crisis. ¿De dónde sacan autoridad moral para adjudicarse el control del termostato global?

Serán sólo experimentos dice la Sociedad Real. Salvo para quien sufra los impactos, que será una cruda realidad. La geoingeniería no solucionará nada y aumentará el problema. Lo único razonable es una prohibición global que impida a los nuevos señores del clima experimentar con todo y todos los demás.

*Investigadora del Grupo ETC


09/10/2009

Tough Oversight Planned for Banks

EU To Establish Powerful Financial Authority


Banks in Europe are facing tough new scrutiny from a planned European financial supervisory authority. It would be more powerful and could take action to prevent systemic problems if national authorities did not.


The Frankfurt Skyline: The new EU authority will be able to intervene in markets directly if national institutions don't move quickly and decisively enough to avert financial disaster.
Zoom
ddp

The Frankfurt Skyline: The new EU authority will be able to intervene in markets directly if national institutions don't move quickly and decisively enough to avert financial disaster.

Banks in Europe are facing tough new scrutiny from a planned European financial supervisory authority. It would be more powerful and could take action to prevent systemic problems if national authorities did not.

One year after the outbreak of the worst economic crisis since World War II, the European Union is close to creating an EU-wide financial markets regulatory authority. In its Thursday edition Germany's Süddeutsche Zeitung reported that it had obtained draft regulations that, if approved, would create three powerful supervisory authorities alongside an early warning system which would monitor banking, financial markets and insurance and pension funds across Europe. The authorities could take action to prevent a repeat of the current financial crisis that precipitated the global economic slump. The steps to create the new authority came at the request of EU member states.

According to the plans, the European controllers would be given the right -- in cases where a crisis is foreseeable -- to directly intervene in financial markets. The newspaper reports that the European Commission plans to present its draft regulations on Sept. 23. The plans state that the financial oversight system would be built as a network.

A European Systemic Risk Council would be created at the European Central Bank level to identify emerging dangers and serve as an early warning system for Europe's markets. And three new agencies are also planned for controlling banks, stock markets and insurance companies.

Banks would be monitored by a London-based European Banking Authority (EBA). Trade in securities will be controlled by a Paris-based European Security and Markets Authority (ESMA). And insurance and pension funds would be reviewed by a European Insurance and Occupational Pensions Authority (EIOPA) in Frankfurt.

Authorities Will Be In Business by 2011

Under the plan, the new oversight authorities would be in operation by 2011, and they will be allowed to issue direct orders if they feel that national supervisory authorities aren't acting decisively enough when a financial institute, involved in cross-border business or which could threaten the stability of markets, runs into trouble. The authorities' right to issue directives, however, would be limited to measures "that have no impact on the financial responsibilities of the member states."

With this limitation, Brussels officials are adhering to a decision made by leaders of the EU member states. At a summit in June the German and British governments insisted that the decisions of the European financial supervisory authority not have direct influence on decision-making relating to national budgets. The proposed regulations also provide member states with the right to contest any decisions -- and either the EU finance ministers or the European Commission would give the final ruling in any dispute.

The aim of the powerful new body is to identify problems and to take appropriate actions to prevent them from spiralling into a crisis like the recent recession, which was sparked by the crash of the subprime mortgage market and the spectacular collapse of investment bank Lehman Brothers.

dsl -- with wires



Irma Eréndira Sandoval*

La llegada a Petróleos Mexicanos de Juan José Suárez Coppel, quien hasta hace poco fue vicepresidente de finanzas del Grupo Modelo, tesorero corporativo de Televisa, y director de derivados de Banamex, instala una situación de franca captura en nuestra paraestatal. La captura del Estado es una manifestación estructural de la corrupción que implica la institucionalización de los conflictos de interés y la determinación de normas y políticas de gestión estatal por parte de poderosos grupos económicos. Esto muchas veces se reviste de legalidad procedimental pero, como en todo caso de corrupción, auspicia la desviación de recursos públicos para servir intereses privados.

Hace menos de un año, Suárez Coppel fue rechazado por todas las fuerzas políticas como consejero profesional en el consejo de administración debido a su cercanía con Francisco Gil Díaz y las graves acusaciones de corrupción que existen en su contra. Desde sus tiempos como director de finanzas de Pemex, el nuevo director general destacó por haber asignado sin que mediara proceso de licitación alguno más de una treintena de contratos millonarios que beneficiaron a consultores vinculados al poder y a empresas trasnacionales como Oceanografía, Blue Marine, Pricewaterhouse Coopers y Cleary, Gottlieb, Steen & Hamilton, entre otras.

Tanto la Auditoría Superior de la Federación (ASF) como la Secretaría de la Función Pública han señalado que Suárez Coppel está implicado en una poderosa red de tráfico de influencias operando en el interior de Pemex, que incluye entre otros al actual director de Pemex Refinación, José Antonio Ceballos Soberanis, quien destacó por haber defendido la legalidad de los contratos celebrados con la empresa Ivancar, de la familia Mouriño.

Otros participantes de esta red de complicidades son también el actual senador panista Juan Bueno Torio, quien debido a su cercanía con Martha Sahagún y los hermanos Bribiesca Sahagún fue premiado con el jugoso cargo de director de Pemex Refinación entre 2003 y 2006; Pedro Carlos Gómez Flores, ex subdirector de almacenamiento y distribución de la paraestatal; los mismos predecesores de Suárez Coppel en los sexenios de Ernesto Zedillo y Vicente Fox: Rogelio Montemayor Seguy, Luis Ramírez Corzo, y el mismo señor Pemexgate Raúl Muñoz Leos, quien de acuerdo con los informes de la ASF provocó un quebranto a la paraestatal por más de mil 700 millones de pesos.

Además de estas historias de corrupción e impunidad que manchan la trayectoria del nuevo funcionario, tampoco puede aducirse que Suárez Coppel sea muy eficaz en el manejo de las variables financieras. Como director de derivados de Banamex provocó pérdidas millonarias al banco hoy controlado por Citibank. Asimismo, como director de finanzas de Pemex fue el responsable del fracaso de la inversión en un fondo que supuestamente buscaba inversiones con fines ambientales manejado por el North America Environmental Fund y el Environmental Organizational Partnership, que dejó pérdidas por más de 3 millones de dólares.

Habría que recordar que la reforma a Pemex del año pasado de ninguna manera cancela la posibilidad de conflictos de interés, ni aleja las tendencias privatizadoras. La nueva Ley de Petróleos Mexicanos crea un régimen de excepción que de manera anticonstitucional excluye al Congreso de la Unión de la vigilancia de las adquisiciones más importantes de la empresa. Ni la Ley de Adquisiciones, ni la Ley de Obras Públicas se aplican para las compras en las áreas sustantivas de la paraestatal. Asimismo, el artículo 57 de la Ley de Pemex permite la utilización de figuras como la adjudicación directa y la invitación restringida para una serie de rubros clave como, por ejemplo, todos los servicios de estudios de ingeniería, servicios de consultoría, estudios, asesorías, investigaciones y capacitación.

El colofón es que todavía hoy Pemex no ha implementado la nueva ley en la materia, sino que sigue operando bajo las reglas aún más laxas para compras contenidas en la ley anterior. Las autoridades simplemente se han negado a aprobar la nueva reglamentación en la materia, lo que abre un gran margen de discrecionalidad que seguramente será aprovechado por el nuevo director general y su amplia red de amigos y cómplices.

Con la desaparición de la Secretaría de la Función Pública la tarea de vigilancia de la paraestatal será aún más difícil. La única tenue esperanza se encuentra en los nuevos consejeros profesionales. En particular, habría que seguir muy de cerca el desempeño de los comités del consejo de administración en materia de transparencia y rendición de cuentas; adquisiciones, arrendamientos, obras y servicios; y auditoría y evaluación del desempeño. Hasta la fecha estos comités han hecho muy poco para transformar el modus operandi de la empresa, pero si existiera voluntad y determinación de parte de los consejeros ellos tendrían la posibilidad de cambiar las cosas. Hoy más que nunca tendrían que recordar que son representantes de la ciudadanía y rechazar la tentación de fungir como escuderos de los poderes fácticos y el Poder Ejecutivo.

* Investigadora del Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales y coordinadora del Laboratorio de Documentación y Análisis de la Transparencia y la Corrupción, de la UNAM; irma.sandoval@unam.mx.


09/11/2009 08:18 PM

Doubt, Worry and Fear

New York Faces Dramatic Consequences of Crisis

By Klaus Brinkbäumer in New York

The global financial crisis began in Manhattan, and its effects are being felt far more strongly there than elsewhere. Mayor Michael Bloomberg says the situation is critical. Millions are fighting to keep their jobs. Is what is happening in New York today a harbinger of the fate of the rest of the world?

They still remember how things used to be. That's part of the problem. New York's heroes, the men and women who only yesterday considered themselves the knights and conquerors of Manhattan, remember all too well what New York was like in the 1970s -- the era before seven-figure salaries came to the Big Apple.

They remember -- and they see the signs. That's why they're afraid.

Cathy used to be a banker. Today she is homeless and living in Tompkins Square. She thinks about the heroin and the stench. In the 1970s, Cathy had a small apartment not far from here on Orchard Street. It was broken into three times. She remembers the burning cars and broken glass, the plumes of smoke and the cops who shouted "Fuck you!" every time they lashed out.

Restaurateur Fred Austin says he had the doors taken off the toilet stalls at Katz's restaurant because of the junkies. If they were going to shoot up in front of all his guests, he at least wanted them to feel embarrassed.

Tom Birchard, the owner of the Veselka diner, says he adopted the New York walk in the 1970s: fast, determined, always scanning two blocks ahead, looking behind you every 10 steps or so, staying more than arms-length away from doorways, and crossing the street or even turning around altogether if two or more black men came towards you.

Aside from the murders, the whores and the knowledge that areas like Harlem and the Bronx were strictly out-of-bounds for whites, Mayor Michael Bloomberg says the subway was the worst thing about New York. "The subway was hot and never on time. Everything was damp and grimy, and full of trash," that is how he recalls the days when people went in and never came out again. "It was an inferno."

Only Grace on Wall Street says she isn't afraid of becoming poor again. That was during our first conversation, six months ago. Grace Dolan Flood said her fear lay elsewhere. "I'm afraid I may have lived the wrong life," she said. "You spend so many years, put so much energy in, and suddenly you're out. And then what?"

It's the New York 2009 feeling: A mixture of doubt, worry, and fear. Fear that it won't be worth all the investment, the effort, the constant battles. Fear of drugs in schools, of playgrounds becoming crime scenes again, of broken windows, of decline. Fear of a future that feels like the past.

If you go looking for the New York feeling in southern Manhattan, on Wall Street, in the East Village, on the Lower East Side, or in Tribeca, you'll come away with more than your fair share of doubt about the city. New York City consists of five boroughs and thousands of districts. It's simply too big for gross generalities.

Epicenter of the Crisis

I speak to billionaire realtor Donald Trump is on the phone. "My friend!" he says in greeting, "New York's doing great. We have a splendid police chief, a splendid mayor, we're in splendid shape."

But Donald Trump's opinions are those of the minority this summer. Jamie Johnson sits in a café on Union Square. The 30-year-old pharmaceuticals heir and documentary filmmaker ("Born Rich") says, "The whole city is seriously in danger of losing its meaning. People feel vulnerable. An entire generation that never witnessed hardship are now realizing they'll never fulfill their dream that things will keep on getting better: Cool school, cool grades, cool job, cool money. And that scares them."

Why is this? Because since September 2008 New York has been the epicenter of the global financial crisis. This is where it all began, and this is where the effects were first seen. And felt.

Stores are closing or barely scraping by, offering "three suits for $250." No one is buying. "Food traffic" -- taxis ferrying people straight across Manhattan to the coolest restaurants -- has dwindled to a trickle. Theft, violent and drug crimes are on the rise. There are New Yorkers who pretend to be surprised if a bar only accepts cash, say they're going to an ATM, and never return. "Impulse shopping," the practice of popping down to a boutique over lunch, has died a death. 6.5 percent of all the stores in Manhattan are now vacant: a 20-year high. On Fifth Avenue, the Western world's premier shopping district, 15 percent of the shops between 42nd and 49th Street have closed. Even Brooks Brothers has left nothing but boarded-up windows. And scaffolding. And signs: "For sale," "for rent," "for free."

The city's restaurants are advertising "recession dinners": A hot dog and a beer for $5. Suddenly you can get tables again -- anywhere, anytime -- and the concierge will often ring you back and make you an offer. It feels like the end of snobbery.

Empty Apartments, Big Discounts

The potholes are getting bigger. And could it be there are more rats since the collapse of Lehman Brothers? Garbage sacks pile up because restaurants and hotels have to pay for them to be taken away, but would rather save their money. Homeless people wander the streets, apartments remain empty, landlords offer discounts -- unthinkable circumstances just a short time ago, at least here in Manhattan and over in Brooklyn.

People react differently to crisis. When Andre Wechsler from Düsseldorf lost his job on Wall Street, he opened up a hot dog stand selling German currywurst on First Avenue. City magazines praised him for his smart, tasty, "so German" idea.

A hundred yards further on, Cathy sits on a bench. "I'm exhausted," she says. "I have no insurance, no job, no place to live." Cathy sleeps in subway carriages or on the benches in Tompkins Square Park. She's a bag lady now in a raincoat, with all her belongings in a shopping cart. Cathy used to be a broker at Merrill Lynch, but she never put anything aside. Now she has nothing. When people like Cathy lose their jobs in a city without a welfare net, they fall rapidly -- and far.

It's a chain reaction. Wall Street was the city's engine, and since 1990 New York has been a monothematic metropolis. If a bankrupt Lehman Brothers puts 25,000 people out of work, it robs the city of millions in taxes, revenues that are desperately needed for education, the police force and road repairs. Children are taken out of private schools, cleaners and gardeners are let go. This affects the real estate market and all consumer activity, and taxis drive around empty save for the driver, desperately hunting for the few tourists who still have money to spend. And then AIG and Merrill Lynch cut thousands more jobs.

So could New York's current woes beset Berlin and the rest of the world tomorrow? As so often, New York could become a standard, a model, only this time of fear; a new weltschmerz in the true sense of the word?

A Bubble Develops Every Ten Years

Grace Dolan Flood thinks fast and talks fast. She used to be a saleswoman, after all. Her job was to build relationships, trust. Grace called companies and private customers and tried to convince them to invest their money in Swiss investment bank UBS. Her colleagues invented new investment models, Grace found investors to fit the model. For this she traveled, forgot about her family, vacations, private life, like so many New Yorkers she just worked, she says. For a decade-and-a-half, Grace worked on Wall Street earning at least $300,000 a year, often more.

It bought her an apartment on Chambers and Greenwich with a great view over a relaxed neighborhood. And the Jaguar in the garage. And the status of a Wall Streeter. Fancy clothes, too -- including a $800 Prada dress Grace never got around to wearing.

Grace drank tea during our first conversation. Her skin is freckly, her hair red. She wore an Aston Villa jersey.

Of course Flood knew the market. She knew the cycles and she knew that a bubble develops every 10 years "when everyone gets too excited again about exactly the same thing," as she puts it. Grace bought when others were selling. That's how she got this apartment shortly after 9/11, when it cost just $435,000 because everyone else was fleeing Lower Manhattan. Today it is worth $900,000.

Grace saw the crisis coming, braced for it, bought some stock in falling markets, and hoarded cash to keep her options open. She thought a storm was coming. She hadn't anticipated the end of the world.

In May 2008 Grace lost her job. So she started looking for another. But the Wall Street Grace knew inside out no longer existed. At first she reacted the same way she had always done: She called headhunters who got her interviews. She leaned on her network, but it was over. No-one could help anyone anymore.

Grace says she has an excellent reputation: "I can build relationships, I'm well-educated, a team-player, customer-oriented. That's my reputation." But no-one was interested in her reputation any longer, and her interviews were always followed by silence. Grace gets herself a cardigan and a beer, stepping over a packing case in the process.

'The Best Days Lie Ahead'

The effects of the crisis are plain to see in Manhattan. Virgin has closed its largest outlet worldwide on Times Square, and the ladies on the Upper West Side ask for their purchases to be put in plain, unmarked brown paper bags. Economist Colin Camerer told New York magazine that behavior considered glamorous in good times is seen as revolting when times are bad.

Where is all this leading? The mayor finds himself espousing conflicting views, claiming the situation is worse than ever -- and yet not as bad as people think.

The reasons for this contradiction are clear. On the one hand Michael Bloomberg has to explain why he wants to be re-elected for a third term in November. That used to be impossible and against the rules of the game. Until, that is, he got the municipal authorities to change the rules. Bloomberg says New York is in a state of emergency and needs him because he alone can lead the city out of the crisis.

On the other hand, Bloomberg has put $90 million of his own money into his election campaign. And when you accompany him on the campaign trail visiting first the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce in Queens, then a carpenters' and cabinetmakers' association meeting at the Sheraton on 53rd Street, and finally an award ceremony for a Jewish businessman, you often hear him enthusing about New York being "the most amazing city in the world" whose "best days lie ahead" because it will "beat this crisis" just as it has others.

100,000 Lost Jobs

Bloomberg seems to epitomize New York. His staff say he is quick and intelligent, manic, quick-tempered, and a little megalomanic. For instance, he prefers to live in his townhouse on Central Park rather than the mayor's official residence, a white-and-yellow villa on the East River, because he thinks Gracie Mansion is too small for his needs. Yet he pretends to take the subway just like his voters -- even though his chauffeur drives him to the subway. But when one of his citizens accuses the mayor of bending the democratic rules to allow him to seek a third term in office because no-one could match his media influence or spending power, Bloomberg replies, "you're a disgrace!"

The Michael Bloomberg who opens every conversation with the words "Call me Mike" is a small man. He is independent. He once was brave. Manhattan reporters say Bloomberg had a splendid first term in office in the years before business was stifled by bureaucracy, then sacrificed his second term to his ambition of running for president. His best joke is "It only rained twice last week: Once for three days, once for four." He cracked it six times the day I spent with him, though his followers insist he's a funny guy. They also claim he has lots of ideas for how to save New York from demise.

The mayor denies New York depends entirely on Wall Street. "We are the fashion capital of the world, the medical capital, the media capital," Bloomberg gushes.

His municipal government estimated 75,000 jobs would be lost in the financial industry and a further 300,000 elsewhere in New York. So far, only about 100,000 have been lost. The city has set up a fund to issue small business loans for startups. There is also a retraining program for jobless Wall Streeters. "We're pumping $7.5 billion into public schools," says Bloomberg the campaigner. "We will emerge from this crisis stronger than we entered it."

Tom Birchard drinks a latte in front of the Veselka, a veritable New York institution founded by Ukrainian immigrants on the corner of Second Avenue and 9th Street in East Village. Birchard took over the place from his father-in-law. He has white hair, blue eyes and wears what every New Yorker wears in summer: shorts, a T-shirt and sneakers.

"Everyone Around Here Was on Welfare or Drugs"

Like so many others before him, Birchard came here seeking work. His father, a staunch Republican, worked for the Campbell soup company before teaching airmen how to drop bombs accurately. Tom wanted to get out of Pennsylvania, so he moved to the East Village in 1967. "It was crazy here, and it became my home overnight," he recalls. Here there were blacks, lesbians and gays, and Andy Warhol would come by in the evening from his place further up on Central Park. At the time, Tom Birchard didn't know what he wanted to do in life. It didn't matter. He ate breakfast at the Veselka, met his first wife, his father-in-law died, and Birchard finally realized where he would spend the rest of his life: at the Veselka.

Back then, kids used to play lacrosse on Second Avenue. Car repair men would grease engines on the sidewalk. Painters painted, writers wrote, musicians rehearsed, and hippies watched, read, listened and got stoned. Manhattan was a different place, a good place to be in those pre-70s days. There was a Polish woman at the Veselka who took your order, set the tables, cooked the borscht, served the borscht, took your money and washed up. And she wasn't fast.

But then the city ran out of money, couldn't pay its bills, bureaucracy and construction projects became too expensive, and tax revenues couldn't cover the costs. The subway ground to a halt, the potholes were covered with sheets of steel, the rats came out, and the district turned bad.

Birchard says the "Mafia clubhouse" used to be over there on the corner of First Avenue. Its runners went around collecting money for the numbers game racket. Heroin replaced hash, the hippies became pimps and prostitutes, break-ins and murder shot up. It happened right here, around the corner, in front of the door, even inside the restaurant, which was only half as big as it is now. The people of the East Village carried knives, and Birchard recalls that every apartment got robbed. They stole the TV out of his place, which cost him 125 dollars a month. "East of Avenue A landlords burned their own houses down because no-one was paying rent anymore. Everyone round here was either on welfare or on drugs," he says.

A City at a Junction

And then -- doesn't it always? -- the pendulum swung back. Cheap housing attracted young artists, chess-piece carvers, and designers, cafés opened up and students from New York University over on Washington Square flocked to the Veselka after the Village Voice wrote about Tom Birchard's blini, a kind of Eastern European sweet pancake.

Then came the 1990s; the decade of money. Wall Street took over New York, and the East Village was taken over by those who could afford $2,000 rents. Next to arrive were the fast-food chains: Starbucks, Dunkin' Donuts and the like. "Give me a break," Tom says. "Stop! That's enough now!"

And now?

The city is at a junction. Everyone can sense it. Will the 70s return, ushering the past back in? History rarely repeats itself, and it certainly never ends. Nor will this city ever stop developing. It is changing simply because immigrants will continue to come to New York, changing entire blocks, and with them the rules.

A new, once unimaginable, New York under Mayor Bloomberg is coming to terms with global warming and cycle paths on Times Square, Ninth Avenue, from east to west, and only the taxi drivers still veer from left to right across six lanes of traffic, mowing down cyclists in the process. White bicycles, so-called "ghost bikes," are tied to lampposts as memorials to the victims.

Safety More Important Than Money

The New York of the Wall Street era was a city of egoists. Now rich unemployed people offer to help serve poor unemployed people in soup kitchens, the "city meals-on-wheels" service is growing, and former bankers now want to coach school baseball teams. If money makes people narcissistic, does a lack of it make them better?

Seminaries are reporting a rise in intake. Sociologists claim the new New Yorkers are starting to appreciate the value of regular work again. "In the past people didn't give a damn about safety. Safety was something for low-fliers," says Barry Schwartz, a psychologist at Swarthmore College in Pennsylvania. But now more and more people are realizing that "safety is more important for our happiness than wealth."

In years gone by, urban researchers described New York as a "hedonistic treadmill," the city of "maximizers." Everything had to be perfect, then even better, and everything was constantly being questioned because there was too much choice. New Yorkers were never content. Is this changing? Will calm come, composure even? Will what you do become more important than what you buy?

The same sociologists say aid organizations don't need more helpers because they're running out of money. The same sociologists say the worst thing that could happen to an urbanite is to lose his job because the failure and disappointment plunges them into the abyss here as in all other major Western cities.

Perhaps the city will soon be divided anew -- here the new communities, there the new ghettos -- and return to the rough New York of Martin Scorsese's "Taxi Driver," a New York of cheap rents, trash and murder. Another incendiary issue is that black men, an above-average proportion of whom are poorly or under-educated, are far more likely to lose their job than any other socioeconomic group.

Grace Dolan Flood says the city is spiraling downward, but New York is not a place that gives up, nor is America a powerless nation. "We're not just going to roll over and die," she says defiantly.

Grace would like to buy real estate. Right now. She could live off 10 or 12 apartments. But banks aren't handing out loans. She applied to become a New York City schoolteacher. She was invited for an interview -- that was the first hurdle. Teachers in New York earn $46,000 a year. She got through the entire application procedure before the program was axed. The city wouldn't be hiring any new teachers. "Sorry," they said. They had to cut costs.

"Winding down my upper-class lifestyle won't be hard," Grace says, pointing to her Irish heritage. Her family came to New York when Ireland was the poorest country in Western Europe. The Dolans lived in Brooklyn before it became fashionable. Her father unloaded cargo planes at Kennedy Airport, but he was also a janitor and cleaned offices. Sometimes he took his kids along. "I can still clean any bathroom in five minutes flat," Grace says. Her parents were determined all five of their children would have middle-class lives. They succeeded, and all five went to college. "I wanted my parents to be proud of me," Grace says. "Immigrants will lead this country out of the crisis because immigrants don't assume they have a right to a better life. They fight for it."

Grace has rented out her apartment. She can no longer afford the once paltry sum of $3,500 she needs to pay off her loans and feed herself every month. She found a cheaper place for herself. Grace no longer spends $2 every morning buying the New York Times. And who needs a $5 latte from Starbucks?

In the past, Wall Streeters went out to eat every day. Today former Wall Streeters go out for a meal on Saturdays, skip the appetizers and drink beer instead of wine.

'We're at a Watershed. Everyone Knows That'

Fred Austin knows Lower Manhattan well; the people, the "New York feeling." He grew up here. Austin sits at the back of Katz's, the restaurant he runs on Houston. Over there is where Meg Ryan showed Billy Crystal how women fake an orgasm in the famous scene from the movie "When Harry Met Sally." Here's where Bill Clinton ate. It's a room full of photos; a museum that renews itself every day. The pastrami sandwich is its specialty.

The humor is Jewish: How many people work here? "Half of them," Austin replies.

Austin says New York is and remains the center of the creative world: "All the creative, smart money comes here. That's not going to stop all of a sudden. Young people are moving to New York, and they want to live, not suffer. Thirty years ago, people were predicting that cities would eventually die out. But no longer. We're a long way from the New York of the 70s. The crisis may be depressing and its effects wide-reaching, but urban culture -- a blend of ideas, strength, and energy -- simply can't be replaced. We're making a comeback."

Fred eats a pickle and sips his coffee. He has a bald head and a goatee, and wears a red checked shirt. Then he says, "The entire city now understands there's too much at stake, and none of us wants New York to break apart. We're at a watershed. Everyone knows that."

It's August in New York in a rainy summer. Months have passed since our first conversation, and Grace Dolan Flood has found a job. She now teaches young Wall Streeters about investment banking. "It's great to be back," she says.

Will Things Get Worse?

Are there any signs of improvement? The Bloomberg administration seems to think so. Grace Dolan Flood agrees. "Crises come and crises go," she says.

The figures show that more stores are closing and fewer people are spending their money. The fact that Goldman Sachs is making billions again -- just like before the crisis -- won't save the rest of the city. The figures show that things are going to get worse in the coming months and possibly years.

The people of New York want to beat the crisis, of course. They speak of their courage, their imagination. The Big Apple is still a dynamic city of 8.3 million. But didn't the crisis come about because so many Americans ran up huge debts so unthinkingly in the belief that they deserved another car or another house? Is it because the story about the extraordinary country with the world's best workers has been exposed as a myth or a lie? Could it be that the United States and even the New York of 2009 are too sluggish to change quickly in the face of such a crisis?

Tom Birchard, the owner of the Veselka, says he hasn't forgotten the watchful walk he adopted in the 70s. Yet he hopes New York will bounce back, as always. "We've had lots of practice in survival," he says. "As long as there's a way to survive, we'll survive."

Then he grins and adds, "So many of the really funny, crazy guys that said Manhattan had lost its cool because they couldn't afford to live there anymore: They're all coming home."

Birchard is sure he can detect some sort of a cleansing effect. Speculators are going, artists are returning. Although it's still quite quiet and subtle, he can sense the city humming again, a kind of buzz that almost feels like 1969 again. Not quite a new New York feeling, but something's definitely happening.

Perhaps a city like New York needs a crisis like this every 10 years or so.

Translated from the German by Jan Liebelt.



Megayacimiento de gas en Venezuela halla Repsol
Reuters

Madrid, 11 de septiembre. La petrolera española Repsol-YPF anunció que, junto con la italiana Eni, halló un yacimiento de gas en Venezuela, con reservas calculadas de entre 7 y 8 billones de pies cúbicos. De confirmarse las reservas estimadas, el Perla I podría ser el mayor pozo de gas descubierto en Venezuela y uno de los más grandes del mundo.

La firma confirmó la información que dio previamente el presidente venezolano Hugo Chávez al diario El País, en su visita relámpago a Madrid, en la que se reunió con el presidente del gobierno, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, y el rey Juan Carlos I.

El yacimiento tendría reservas estimadas de entre 7 y 8 billones de pies cúbicos (TCF, según su sigla en inglés), cantidad que serviría para abastecer de gas natural a España durante cinco años y que equivaldría a mil 400 millones de barriles de petróleo. Aunque un portavoz de Repsol dijo que en unas semanas se conocerán proyecciones más certeras.

Durante años, el mandatario ha utilizado los recursos naturales de Venezuela como una piedra angular de su diplomacia, privilegiando a empresas de países amigos en la asignación de campos de crudo y gas y prometiendo multimillonarios acuerdos energéticos.

Las reservas de gas de Venezuela al ritmo que llevan los descubrimientos científicos nos van a colocar entre los cinco grandes gigantes del mundo en gas. Eso es muy positivo para Venezuela, para España, dijo Chávez al rotativo.



Sanjuana Martínez

Como maquillaje y control de daños, calificaron ex legionarios de Cristo el hecho de que la congregación religiosa haya decidido retirar la foto de Marcial Maciel de los centros educativos, reditar sus sitios web y rescribir su historia en libros y folletos para distanciarse de su fundador ante las graves acusaciones de pederastia y el descubrimiento de su paternidad clandestina.

Las víctimas entrevistadas por La Jornada consideran hipócrita la carta firmada por los sacerdotes Scott Reilly, director territorial de Atlanta, y Julio Martí, director de Nueva York de los Legionarios de Cristo, dada a conocer el pasado primero de septiembre, en donde la orden expresa una especie de mea culpa.

El ex legionario Juan José Vaca, ex presidente de la congregación en Estados Unidos y hoy profesor en Nueva York, fue víctima de abuso sexual por parte de Marcial Maciel y dice que la misiva no es más que la intención de quitar una máscara para poner otra; siguen la misma pauta de mentiras y doble lenguaje. Intentan tapar toda la podredumbre que dejó su fundador, pero mientras no quiten a sus secuaces: Álvaro Corcuera, Luis Garza Medina y el resto de la cúpula, todo va a seguir igual con su sistema de tapar y encubrir.

En la carta, dirigida a los miembros y amigos del movimiento Regnum Christi, los legionarios piden disculpas por las graves fallas humanas de su fundador, pero Vaca considera que los sucesores de Maciel siguen utilizando un lenguaje ambiguo y se niegan a llamar crímenes a los delitos de su fundador.

La carta asegura que la legión ha pedido perdón a las víctimas de Maciel, y eso es mentira. Nadie nos ha pedido perdón, afirma Vaca. Es una falsedad, al igual que la supuesta intención de abrirse a la inspección del Vaticano. Precisamente esta carta va previniendo a los miembros. Es una pauta a seguir, agrega.

En el texto, los legionarios precisan que el deber cristiano de no hacer público el pecado de otros les ha obligado a no hacer una declaración directa sobre la polémica vida de Maciel: Ellos están preparando el terreno para que todo siga igual; sólo están haciendo un control de daños. Es como poner una curita a un cáncer.

Nada de borrón y cuenta nueva

El ex legionario Saúl Barrales Arellano coincidió en señalar que los supuestos cambios anunciados por la legión son solo maquillaje. Esto no puede ser borrón y cuenta nueva. ¿Y qué pasa con las más de 200 vidas de víctimas que Maciel destruyó? Escriben una carta llena de palabras vacías. Una verdadera transformación requiere revisar y cambiar las normas, y ellos no lo están haciendo.

En la carta, los legionarios aseguran que la congregación está en proceso de acreditación por Praesidium Inc., una organización de manejo de riesgos sobre la pederastia de los sacerdotes, pero Barrales expone sus reservas sobre la efectividad de dicha organización, enfocada más a cuidar los costos provocados por el abusador que a proteger a las víctimas. “Maciel era un verdadero depredador que dañó muchas vidas y sus sucesores están marcados por él. Es una cadena. Ellos siguen hablando hábilmente de ‘fallas humanas’ y no de delitos”, señala.

Para José Barba –otro de los nueve ex legionarios de Cristo que firmaron la carta enviada a Juan Pablo II en noviembre de 1997, en la que denuncian los crímenes cometidos por Marcial Maciel–, que lleva 15 años junto a sus compañeros buscando justicia y reparación, la carta forma parte de la retórica del engaño conspirativa utilizada por los legionarios, y es una muestra de su falta de voluntad para corregir: “quieren suavizar al máximo el lenguaje llamando ‘fallas’ a los delitos de Maciel. ¡Por amor de Dios! Que tengan un poco de decencia”, comenta indignado.

En el aspecto financiero, la legión señala que han contratado un sistema profesional de administración de negocios denominado Integer Group, algo que revela, según Barba, lo más importante de la carta: se nota el miedo que tienen de una auditoría. El dinero les preocupa. Y me parece una desvergüenza tan grande que vengan a decirnos a las víctimas que le pidamos a Dios que nos dé la virtud cristiana del perdón, cuando ellos nos han estado victimando sistemáticamente sólo por decir la verdad.

El ex legionario Arturo Jurado le restó importancia al conjunto de la carta emitida oficialmente por los legionarios: es puro maquillaje. Quieren poner una cara diferente a la que tienen. Aparentan estar haciendo el bien, pero no es así.

Considera que la supuesta distancia que están tomando del fundador al descolgar sus fotos de los colegios y rescribir libros y folletos es falsa: les conviene hacer eso, pero es todo lo contrario. Ellos nunca van a desconocer a Maciel, porque su esencia es la mentira, la hipocresía. Simplemente quieren aparentar una cosa que no son.

El ex sacerdote Alberto Athié, quien ha acompañado a los afectados en la búsqueda de la verdad y abandonó los hábitos luego de comprobar la protección que las autoridades eclesiásticas de México y el Vaticano le brindaron a Marcial Maciel frente al clamor de justicia de sus víctimas, afirma que la carta utiliza un lenguaje ambiguo: “no hay un reconocimiento claro de toda la responsabilidad de Maciel y por tanto muestran una intención de matizar sus delitos con frases como fallas humanas, frases que son gravísimas para una congregación que se supone es ortodoxa y muy moral”.

Athié señala que es inaceptable que los legionarios sigan sin utilizar la palabra crimen para los delitos de pederastia de su fundador: hacen calificaciones suavecitas y dulzonas de ese tipo de conductas que son absolutamente deplorables. Aceptan que hubo un daño, pero a continuación dicen que lo más importante es que nos perdonemos. Un mensaje que no va a la verdad, que no le interesa la justicia y que busca ese perdón barato que trata de olvidar.

Sobre los supuestos tres hijos mexicanos de Maciel, identificados como Norma Hilda, quien radica en Madrid, España; Raúl y Cristian, que viven en Cuernavaca, y varios hijos biológicos más de su fundador, la legión asegura que en este momento no está en condiciones de dar una respuesta, dada la naturaleza parcial de la información disponible.

“Aquí hay muchos intereses económicos de ambos lados –dice Barrales–; si son sus hijos, tendrán que demostrarlo con el ADN. Hasta ahorita no hemos visto pruebas. Y dependiendo del arreglo económico será el silencio.”

Juan José Vaca considera que es una mentira que la legión no supiera de la existencia de la hija de Maciel, Norma Hilda. Durante años todos estos jerarcas que le han ayudado en la legión sabían de la existencia de ella. Sabían que Maciel estaba mandando dinero para comprarle su apartamento de lujo, mandarla de vacaciones y comprarle regalos. Lo encubrieron siempre. Y lo siguen encubriendo, concluye.


Health Reform and Illegal Immigration: The Truth

by: Froma Harrop, t r u t h o u t | Perspective

In their tireless efforts to kill health care reform, right-wingers have fanned fears that it would attract illegal aliens. This sideshow is rather twisted because, actually, the reforms would do the opposite. They would help curb illegal immigration.

Start with Canada to see how this works. Canadians have universal coverage, a big immigration program and almost no undocumented workers. These things are not unrelated. Government-guaranteed medical care is a big reason why Canada doesn't tolerate illegal immigration. No country can long afford a large subclass of poor workers that pays little in taxes and collects full benefits.

photo
(Photo: Wiki Commons)


To quote conservative economist Milton Friedman, "It's just obvious that you can't have free immigration and a welfare state."

Here in the United States, the House health-reform bill has an entire section titled, "No Federal Payment for Undocumented Aliens." Furthermore, it requires every worker to have coverage, while denying subsidies to illegal immigrants, whatever their income. In other words, illegal immigrants would have to obtain health insurance and pay full freight for it. That doesn't sound like a five-course free lunch to me.

Aha, say Republican foes of the legislation. The illegals will get around it. "Without the verification, you can't frankly believe it is serious," says Rep. Lamar Smith, Republican of Texas. Fair point. Let's address it.

As a practical matter, undocumented workers shy away from government programs that could expose their illegal status. A law passed in 2005 requires applicants to Medicaid, which insures poor people, to prove their citizenship. Two years later, the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform studied Medicaid enrollments in five states (Kansas, Colorado, Minnesota, Washington and Wisconsin). It found only eight illegal immigrants on the rolls.

But, says Georgia Republican Rep. Phil Gingrey, "a lot of their kids are in the school system." That's true. The schools don't check for immigration status. Medicaid does. And so would the health care system now envisioned by Congress.

It's worth noting that President Obama's is the first administration to seriously crack down on illegal immigration in decades. Under its orders, the Immigration and Customs Enforcement Agency has stepped up audits of companies suspected of using illegal labor. Hundreds of offenders have been slapped with stiff fines and warnings to mend their ways.

The administration has just started requiring any company seeking sizeable federal contracts to use the E-Verify system, a database containing Social Security and other records, to ensure that its workers are legal. (First it had to fight off a suit by the Chamber of Commerce and industry groups that use undocumented labor.)

Meanwhile, Chuck Schumer, the New York Democrat who heads the Senate Immigration Subcommittee, is promoting biometric tools to replace the use of documents that can be counterfeited or stolen. Biometrics rely on such unique identifiers as fingerprints and the iris of the eye.

We should examine what's really behind the right's argument that universal health coverage would draw more illegal immigrants. It's an assumption that if you keep America's low-wage workers miserable enough, undocumented foreigners won't want to join them.

That's neither nice nor good for the country. The dirty truth is that the uninsured are not people on welfare or very poor workers. Those groups get covered by Medicaid. The uninsured are mainly struggling families who make too much to qualify for Medicaid but not enough to afford the coverage -- or those rejected by private insurers because of pre-existing medical conditions.

To sum it up, the Democrats' policies are already reining in illegal immigration, and the proposed health care reform would, if anything, contain it further. Those trying to stop reform should look elsewhere for scare tactics.


Health Care vs. Warfare: The Future Costs of the Afghanistan War

by: Jeff Leys, t r u t h o u t | Perspective

On Wednesday, President Obama addressed a joint session of Congress on health care. Later this year, he will decide whether to deploy additional troops to the war in Afghanistan on top of the 69,000 troops already deployed. The struggle for health care and the struggle to end warfare are inextricably linked. The cost for substantive (though imperfect) health care reform, as envisioned in the House of Representatives approach (with the public option), is projected to average $100 billion per year for the next ten years. The cost to continue the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan are projected to cost anywhere from $55 billion to $100 billion a year, with a few modest reductions to the baseline military budget, and the difference is paid.

The choice is clear: health care or warfare; the Common Good or Common Destruction.

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Health care versus warefare. (Photo: Department of Defense (left) / Anoto Group (right) / flickr)

Two key developments in the Iraq and Afghanistan wars will likely take place this month. Congress will more than likely pass the defense appropriations bill for fiscal year 2010 (which begins on October 1), and General McChrystal will likely request that additional troops be deployed to Afghanistan. The defense appropriations bill contains about $130 billion to wage the wars and occupations in Iraq and Afghanistan through September 30, 2010. General McChrystal is expected to request that 15,000 to 45,000 additional US troops be deployed to Afghanistan - bringing overall US troops levels in Afghanistan to 84,000 to 114,000.

Meanwhile, behind the scenes and out of the public eye, the Army, Navy, Marine Corps and Air Force are preparing their respective budget requests for FY 2011 (which begins October 1, 2010 and runs through September 30, 2011).

The publication Inside the Pentagon reports:

"Now, as the Pentagon weighs the FY-11 base budget and OCO requests submitted by the services on August 14, it is finding the services' FY-11 OCO requests are larger than expected. Instead of a 'substantial' decrease tied to the draw down in Iraq, the OCO total is 'roughly flat' compared with FY-10, a Pentagon official said, noting it is only a bit under the FY-10 level."

In other words, the military services seem to be seeking $120 billion to $130 billion in war funds for 2011, during a time period when, ostensibly, the US will be reducing troop levels in Iraq, and at a time when much is made about the $100 billion per year projected cost for providing substantive (though not perfect) health care reform. "OCO" is the new term of art for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and the abbreviation for Overseas Contingency Operations.

These initial requests likely will be modified to some extent as they wind their way through the Department of Defense and the White House. However, the size of these requests indicate the importance of current organizing efforts to end funding for the Iraq and Afghanistan wars and occupations.

Regrettably, though, it gets worse, as the US will, without substantive troop reductions, likely continue to expend anywhere from $70 billion to $100 billion per year to continue ongoing military operations in Afghanistan in 2012 and beyond.

The decidedly nonpartisan Congressional Research Service (CRS) issued a report in August that projects average monthly troop levels in Iraq and Afghanistan through FY 2012 (i.e., through September 30, 2012). It then draws upon the work of the Congressional Budget Office to project future war costs. What emerges is a never-ending war with never-ending costs unless pressure can be brought to bear upon President Obama and Congress to reverse course in Afghanistan and to maintain the course of troop withdrawal in Iraq.

The Congressional Research Service bases its analysis upon average monthly troop levels over the course of a year rather than numbers of troops on the ground in any given month. For example, if 100,000 troops are deployed to a country for the first six months of 2010, but then are reduced to 50,000 troops for the final six months of 2010, the average monthly troop level in 2010 is 75,000 troops. Using the monthly average over the course of a year evens out the increases and decreases in troop levels as troops are deployed into and redeployed out of a country.

The CRS projects average monthly troop strength in Iraq with the implementation of President Obama's troop drawdown. In 2010, it projects average monthly troop strength at 88,300, with the number of troops deployed to Iraq falling to 45,000 troops by August 30, 2010, (reflecting the withdrawal of US combat forces - and, for the moment, leaves aside the question of whether combat forces are truly removed from Iraq or are simply renamed and "retasked"). In 2011, monthly average troop strength falls to 42,750 troops (reaching complete withdrawal of all but a small residual force of about 4000 troops by December 31, 2011).

While arguably the troop withdrawals should occur on a more rapid timetable, pressure must be maintained upon Obama to ensure that he does not allow any slippage to occur in his own proposed timetable. The US could, possibly, maintain a high level of troops in Iraq even after a supposed "withdrawal" of combat troops if remaining troops were to be retasked to other missions and redesignated. Also, a new agreement could be reached with Iraq to maintain a larger US military presence in Iraq beyond the end of 2011.

Second, pressure must be exerted to prevent any expansion of the US military force in Afghanistan and then to reverse troop levels in that country. Approximately 69,000 troops are currently deployed to Afghanistan. McChrystal will likely seek an additional 15,000 to 45,000 troops. President Obama will most likely decide about troop levels in Afghanistan by the end of this year.

And this is where the wave of substantive (though imperfect) health care reform comes crashing upon the shoals of warfare. Keep $100 billion in mind - the projected cost for each year of health care reform - as you read the following, based upon reports from the Congressional Research Service and the Congressional Budget Office (CBO).

In January 2009, the CBO projected the costs of maintaining troops in Iraq and Afghanistan. It updated these projections in August 2009. Caution is in order about drawing too firm a conclusion of war costs based upon these projections. However, the projections do give a very strong indicator of the likely lower-end costs of continuing these wars.

The CBO projects that the cost to maintain 112,500 troops in Iraq and Afghanistan in FY 2012 will be $95 billion. The CBO in January projected that it will cost $70 billion to maintain 75,000 troops in Iraq and/or Afghanistan from FY 2013 onward (though it lowered this projection to $55 billion for FY 2014 onward in its August 2009 report, without an explanation for the lower figure). Now, use these cost projections of CBO with the troop projections of the Congressional Research Service and you get the following prescription for never-ending warfare.

The CRS projects that average monthly troop levels in FY 2011 will be 106,200. Looking at the $95 billion cost projection of the CBO (for 112,500 troops), one would think that the war costs in FY 2011 will be in the range of $90 billion to $100 billion. Yet, as indicated at the start of this article, the military services are apparently seeking funding somewhere in the range of $130 billion for FY 2011 (or slightly lower). Either way - whether it's in the range of the $95 billion or so projected by CBO or the perhaps nearly $130 billion in the military services' initial budget requests - that's more than adequate funding to pay for substantive health care reform in 2011.

The financial hemorrhaging will continue for as long as the US maintains military troops in Iraq and Afghanistan. Let's assume the CRS projections are correct and the US withdraws all but 4,000 troops from Iraq by December 31, 2011, and that the US maintains troop levels in Afghanistan at their current level without any increase of the sort that General McChrystal may propose.

The long-term cost of the Afghanistan war will then likely be in the range of $55 billion to $70 billion per year (with average monthly troop levels of 4000 in Iraq and 67,500 in Afghanistan according to the CRS projections). This is based upon the CBO projection that maintaining a deployment of 75,000 troops will cost somewhere between $55 billion and $70 billion per year from 2013 onward (on a slightly more optimistic note, the CBO projects that it will cost somewhere in the range of $25 billion to $32 billion per year if US troops levels are reduced to 30,000).

All of this leaves out any discussion of reframing the size of the US military following a decade of great expansion. In June 2001, the US maintained about 26,000 troops in the region. In December 2008, the Department of Defense's Defense Manpower Data Center's "Location Report" stated that 294,000 troops were stationed in the region and assigned to the military operations in either Iraq or Afghanistan. Of these, 181,000 troops were deployed inside either Iraq or Afghanistan (according to the DoD's "Boots on the Ground Report" for December 2008). President Obama has yet to address his plans for the redeployment of the 100,000 plus troops stationed in the region as the troop drawdown in Iraq commences.

At this moment of critical decision-making, we should utilize all legal and extralegal (i.e., nonviolent civil disobedience) methods and techniques to send the strongest possible message to President Obama and Congress that it is time to completely end the US military misadventures in Iraq and Afghanistan.

On October 5, nonviolent civil disobedience/civil resistance will take place at the White House. Organized by such groups as the National Campaign for Nonviolent Resistance, Witness Against Torture, War Resisters League and Atlantic Life Community, this effort is an opening salvo in a renewed and revitalized effort to completely end the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as to bring the US into full compliance with international law as regards torture and mistreatment of those being held by the US in the erstwhile "war on terrorism." The National Campaign for Nonviolent Resistance web site is http://nogoodwar.org with additional information available on the web site of the War Resisters League.

The longer term Peaceable Assembly Campaign is an umbrella effort being coordinated by Voices for Creative Nonviolence in an effort to draw the connections between the continuing pursuit by the US and its allies of ongoing Common Destruction in Iraq, Afghanistan and the occupied Palestinian territories on the one hand, and the lack of funding for the Common Good - schools, health care, full employment and living wage policies, the public infrastructure, refugee services - on the other hand. The Peaceable Assembly Campaign seeks as well to draw the connections between the ongoing militarization of the United States and the critical necessity to commit our country to a new environmentalism that, amongst other things, makes the strong commitment to a renewable energy policy that is safe for the environment.

The Peaceable Assembly Campaign begins this fall with the development of local campaign committees to advance campaign objectives and to lobby Congress regarding these objectives.

In January 2009, the PAC will focus upon President Obama. From January 19 to February 2 we will maintain a daily vigil - which will include daily acts of civil disobedience - at the White House seeking an end to funding for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. This time period is critical for a final attempt to influence President Obama before he submits his budget request for 2011 to Congress. January 19 marks the start of President Obama's second year in office, with February 2 being the date by which he is supposed to submit his 2011 budget to Congress, a budget that will include funding for the wars in Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan.

After February 2, the Peaceable Assembly Campaign will once again emphasize legal and extralegal lobbying work to achieve its objectives. The extralegal lobbying work will consist of nonviolent civil disobedience at the offices of representatives and senators who do not agree with the objectives of the campaign - and especially who do not commit to cutting off funding for warfare with a concomitant redirection of funds to serve the Common Good. This phase of the campaign is timed to the legislative calendar during which Congress will be developing and enacting the defense appropriations bill for 2011 - a bill which will likely include funding for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. More than likely, the House and Senate will act upon the defense appropriations bill for 2011 by the end of July 2010. The Peaceable Assembly Campaign can be reached by email (pac@vcnv.org), by phone (773-878-3815) or on the web.

These next several weeks and months are critical in redirecting our country away from Common Destruction and towards the Common Good. Decisions will be made by President Obama and Congress which could send hopes for health care, education, living wage jobs, a new environmental policy crashing upon the shoals of never-ending war in Iraq and Afghanistan. We must insert ourselves into this decision-making process. We cannot afford to not utilize legal and extralegal (civil disobedience) lobbying, tactics and strategies to bring about an end to the Common Destruction being waged globally in our name.

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Jeff Leys is co-coordinator of Voices for Creative Nonviolence. He can be reached at jeffleys@vcnv.org.


Disturbios dejan tres muertos en Chile
EFE
El Universal
Santiago de Chile
Sábado 12 de septiembre de 2009

Durante los asctos de conmemoración por el 36 aniversario del golpe militar contra Salvador Allende en ese país se detuvieron a 206 personas

Tres personas murieron, más de veinte resultaron heridas y 206 fueron detenidas en Chile durante la noche del viernes y la madrugada del sábado en disturbios relacionados con el 36 aniversario del golpe militar de 1973, informaron fuentes oficiales.

De los detenidos, 161 corresponden a Santiago, según el informe entregado por el subsecretario del Interior, Patricio Rosende y la subsecretaria de Carabineros, Javiera Blanco.

La mayoría de los detenidos están acusados de desórdenes en la vía pública, pero también hay imputados por robos con fuerza (saqueos de negocios), uso de bombas incendiarias y de armas de fuego, entre otros delitos.

De los heridos, 19 fueron carabineros, diez de ellos en la capital del país y que, según la institución policial, fueron dados de alta este sábado.

El subsecretario Rosende aseguró que uno de los casos mortales aunque ocurrió en el marco de las protestas, fue "un ajuste de cuentas" entre narcotraficantes.

Otro caso fue la consecuencia de la mala manipulación de una escopeta en un barrio popular en el que se desarrollaban manifestaciones y el tercero producto de un intercambio de disparos entre dos jóvenes apostados en una barricada, dijo el funcionario.

Alexis Andrés Rojas García, de 23 años, murió tras recibir un balazo en al cráneo y otro en la cara durante incidentes en la población Angela Davis, del municipio de Recoleta, en el área norte de Santiago.

En el sector de Cerrillos, al suroeste de Santiago, civiles no identificados dispararon contra una veintena de personas que levantaban una barricada y dieron muerte a un joven de 19 años y dejaron heridos a otros tres participantes en la manifestación.

En el municipio de Conchalí, al norte de la ciudad, un menor de edad, de 17 años, manipulaba una escopeta de fabricación artesanal en una barricada cuando se le escapó un tiro que impactó mortalmente en otro joven de 19 años que, según testigos, antes de expirar también disparó e hirió a su victimario.

Con muerte cerebral permanece hospitalizado Patricio Rodríguez, de 19 años, alcanzado en la cabeza por un disparo mientras se manifestaba en el municipio de Huechuraba, al norte de la ciudad.

La distribuidora Chilectra dijo que unas 103 mil viviendas sufrieron cortes del suministro eléctrico por el lanzamiento de cadenas sobre los cables, cifra que supone un 30 por ciento menos que el año pasado.

La violencia nocturna contrastó con los actos pacíficos desarrollados el viernes, cuando la presidenta Michelle Bachelet homenajeó en La Moneda a Salvador Allende y partidos políticos y organizaciones sociales depositaron ofrendas florales a los pies del monumento a su memoria, frente a la sede gubernamental.

En las primeras horas de la noche se desarrollaron además las tradicionales "velatones" en el Estadio Nacional y otros lugares utilizados como campos de concentración y de tortura tras el golpe.

Este sábado, unos 200 simpatizantes de Augusto Pinochet recordaron hoy el aniversario en una plaza del municipio de Providencia, en un acto al que asistió Lucía Pinochet Hiriart, hija mayor del dictador, fallecido en 2006.

Pinochet Hiriart dijo a radio Cooperativa que siempre asiste a estos actos, "porque (los manifestantes) son los más leales, los más fieles, la gente con más corazón de este país, yo era súper unida a mi papá y lo echo de menos".

Mario Montes, presidente de la "Corporación 11 de septiembre" llamó a rescatar a los golpistas que hoy están presos por violaciones a los derechos humanos, a los que se refirió como "los nuestros".

"Exigir la libertad de los nuestros es un deber moral, no podemos descansar mientras uno de los nuestros esté preso. Les ruego, pongámonos las pilas, actuemos de una vez como hombres y mujeres de chile y digamos basta a este circo vergonzoso", sostuvo.

El general retirado Guillermo Garín, ex vicecomandante del Ejército, criticó por su parte el propósito del gobierno de reabrir las comisiones que investigaron las violaciones a los derechos humanos durante la dictadura.

"Es escarbar nuevamente en heridas que ya debieran cerrarse, ya se hizo en su momento, hubo un plazo bastante razonable y volvemos a insistir, yo creo que porque estamos en un año electoral", dijo.

Durante la dictadura de Augusto Pinochet unas 3 mil 200 personas murieron o desaparecieron a manos de agentes del Estado y otras 28 mil, según los resultados de esas comisiones, fueron torturadas, entre ellas la actual presidenta del país.

Los actos conmemorativos terminarán el domingo, con una marcha de los familiares de las víctimas de la dictadura.

mzr


La moderación de sueldos, factor que ha contenido presiones al indicador: Banamex

En lo que va del año han tenido un incremento promedio de 1.37% abajo del índice de precios

Critica investigadora que se quiera erosionar más la capacidad de compra al elevar impuestos

Roberto González Amador

En un momento en que el gobierno federal pretende incrementar sus recursos a costa de extraer más dinero del bolsillo de los contribuyentes, los salarios acumularon en agosto 17 meses consecutivos con un incremento inferior al registrado por la inflación, lo que se traduce en una pérdida constante de capacidad de compra, indicaron datos oficiales.

La moderación de los salarios ha sido un factor importante en la contención de las presiones inflacionarias, comentó Arturo Vieyra, analista de Banamex.

Datos oficiales mostraron que en agosto el incremento promedio de los salarios contractuales fue inferior en 0.74 puntos a la inflación registrada en ese mes.

Así, en lo que va del año, los salarios contractuales han registrado un aumento promedio 1.37 puntos abajo de la inflación, de acuerdo con información de la Secretaría del Trabajo y Previsión Social.

La propuesta fiscal del gobierno para 2010, si prospera como fue planteada, tendrá como efecto inmediato una reducción adicional en la capacidad de consumo de la población porque debería pagar un nuevo impuesto de 2 por ciento a todo tipo de consumo y un mayor gravamen a la renta, en el caso de los que tienen un empleo formal.

Los datos oficiales revelaron que la pérdida del poder de compra de los salarios se acentuó en esta administración federal, después que se había detenido en los años previos.

En 2007, primer año del actual gobierno, los salarios contractuales tuvieron un aumento de 0.27 puntos por arriba del crecimiento de la inflación, una ganancia que se perdió en los ejercicios siguientes: en 2008, al alza en las percepciones de los trabajadores contratados colectivamente fue 0.57 puntos debajo de la inflación y, entre enero y agosto acumulan una pérdida adicional de 1.31 puntos porcentuales.

Con el resultado de agosto, un mes en que los salarios contractuales negociados en el periodo fueron elevados, en promedio, 0.74 puntos abajo del crecimiento promedio de los precios, las percepciones acumularon 17 meses consecutivos con saldo negativo.

La información oficial indica que de 1995 a la fecha el poder de compra de los salarios contractuales acumula una disminución de 22 por ciento.

El deterioro en la capacidad de compra de los salarios no es reciente y lo ocurrido en la actual administración federal prolonga un fenómeno que con claridad se expresa desde los años 80 del siglo pasado. Por ejemplo, sólo en 1988, los salarios contractuales perdieron 47 por ciento de su capacidad de compra.

La contención de los salarios (en las décadas recientes) abatió los costos de las empresas, pero disminuyó la capacidad de consumo de la población y, por ende, el crecimiento del mercado interno, apunta la investigadora Laura Juárez, de la Universidad Obrera de México, en un estudio publicado en junio pasado.

Juárez toca un tema de actualidad, luego de que el gobierno federal propuso esta semana cargar más impuestos a los contribuyentes cautivos para tratar de compensar un boquete fiscal por 300 mil millones de pesos, sin que el Ejecutivo propusiera modificación alguna a los regímenes fiscales preferentes.

Dice la experta: además de la permanente erosión salarial, los paros técnicos, la reducción de salarios y el desempleo, los trabajadores más pobres del país continúan siendo los pagadores cautivos de impuestos: entre enero y septiembre de 2008, las personas que ganaban hasta 10 salarios mínimos contribuyeron más al gobierno federal que aquellas que perciben más de 100 veces el salario mínimo. De los 27 mil 520.1 millones de pesos recaudados mediante personas físicas, 6 mil 960.5 millones de pesos provinieron del grupo de menores ingresos y 6 mil 742.5 millones de quienes tuvieron mayores ingresos.


Y encima Calderón pide aumento de sueldo

Jaime Avilés

Mientras propone la desaparición de tres secretarías de Estado, el despido de miles de pequeños servidores públicos y un aumento generalizado de impuestos, incluyendo el que los pobres deberán cubrir para salir de la pobreza (?), Felipe Calderón pide, sin rubor alguno, que el Congreso le suba el sueldo. ¿Por qué? ¿En premio a qué? Y sobre todo, ¿para qué, si vive a costa del pueblo? No paga renta, luz, gas, gasolina, comida, lavandería, tintorería; no desembolsa un peso por la ropa y los zapatos que usan tanto él como su esposa e hijos; no le cuesta un centavo viajar, no gasta en médicos ni en medicinas: todo, absolutamente todo, lo obtiene gratis.

En rigor, ni siquiera debería cobrar un salario, ya que no lo necesita para subsistir cotidianamente pero tampoco para ahorrar pensando en el futuro: cuando salga de Los Pinos recibirá, hasta que muera, una pensión mensual de 5 millones de pesos, como la que disfrutan Fox, Zedillo, Salinas, De la Madrid y Echeverría. No obstante, según el proyecto de presupuesto de egresos de la Federación para 2010, Calderón ganará 277 mil 68 pesos con 25 centavos mensuales, menos impuestos, en tanto Marcelo Ebrard, jefe del gobierno capitalino, seguirá percibiendo un salario de 70 mil al mes, gracias a las normas de austeridad que impuso Andrés Manuel López Obrador en su sexenio.

¿Qué entiende Calderón por austeridad? Ya lo sabemos: que los pobres usen menos agua y menos luz, mientras los recursos de la Oficina de la Presidencia crecerán de 73 millones de pesos que ejerció en 2009 a 145 millones en 2010; su secretario particular dispondrá de 5 millones 600 mil pesos más y los estudios productores de espots, que a diario nos explican los éxitos y las hazañas del hombrecito de Los Pinos, obtendrán un incremento de 7 millones 256 mil pesos para seguir atosigándonos con mentiras.

¿Austeridad? Los recursos destinados a la Suprema Corte, el Consejo de la Judicatura Federal, las dos cámaras del Congreso, el Instituto Federal Electoral y la Comisión Nacional de los Derechos Humanos se incrementarán de 55 mil a 60 mil 520 millones de pesos en 2010, y la mayor parte de ese dinero servirá para mejorar los sueldos de los altos burócratas. El secretario general de la Cámara de Diputados cobrará 369 mil pesos mensuales; los consejeros del IFE, 326 mil; el secretario general de acuerdos de la Corte, 307 mil, y el secretario ejecutivo del IFE, 277 mil 447 pesos, o sea, 300 pesos y pico más que Calderón.

El proyecto de presupuesto de egresos no menciona los salarios de los ministros de la Suprema ni de los magistrados del tribunal electoral, porque éstos se los fijarán ellos mismos cuando diseñen su manual de percepciones, prestaciones y beneficios para 2010, tarea que en principio le corresponderá a los presidentes de ambas instituciones, Guillermo Ortiz Mayagoitia y María del Carmen (Maca) Alanís Figueroa.

En un gesto insólito, como si hubieran leído con detenimiento el Desfiladero de hace dos sábados, los ministros de la Corte decidieron que en 2010 cobrarán exclusivamente sus salarios y percepciones ordinarias previstas en la ley y, de acuerdo con la nota de Jesús Aranda que La Jornada publicó el pasado miércoles, dejarán de recibir los tres bonos trimestrales. La noticia, hay que subrayarlo, no fue destacada por los medios afines al régimen, tal vez por eso no llegó a oídos de Maca Alanís, la titular del TEPJF, que de algún modo habría lavado un poquito la mala fama de prevaricadora que la persigue, si ella y sus magistrados hubiesen emulado a sus colegas cortesanos.

Pero no. Maca ni siquiera reprendió al magistrado Salvador Olimpo Nava Gomar, quien en carta dirigida a un semanario político del Distrito Federal se ufanó de los 340 mil pesos que cobra al mes, al afirmar que su sueldo y prestaciones corresponden a su investidura y a su trabajo especializado, al que se dedica con imparcialidad y ética (sic), como lo demostró en 2007 al influir para que el tribunal diera por buena la candidatura de Jorge Hank Rhon al gobierno de Baja California, después de que el rey de los juegos de apuesta en México lo invitara a su mansión de Tijuana y lo agasajara en secreto con jamón de tigre, como informó el reportero Álvaro Delgado, a quien Nava Gomar amenazó directamente con estas palabras:

...no puedo pasar por alto esta nueva embestida. Después se quejan de las agresiones a periodistas. Si el ataque a las instituciones no fueran los pilares de su trabajo no habría ese problema. No dejaré pasar una más. Haré lo que sea necesario para asegurarme de que ello sea así (Proceso, 30 de agosto de 2009). ¿Esta es la concepción del periodismo que tiene un juez electoral, cuya materia prima de trabajo es la democracia? ¿Así que el ejercicio de la crítica equivale al ataque a las instituciones? ¿Él es una institución en sí mismo? ¿Qué hará para asegurarse de que Álvaro Delgado, o yo, o cualquier otro reportero no dé a conocer sus acciones sospechosas de corrupción y latrocinio?

¿Y por qué no ha dicho nada al respecto Maricarmen Alanís? ¿Porque comparte la doctrina fascista de Olimpo? ¿O porque está trabajando junto a él, a marchas forzadas, para revertir las sentencias del Tribunal Electoral del Distrito Federal que anularon los supuestos triunfos del PAN en las delegaciones de Cuajimalpa y Miguel Hidalgo? ¿Alguien quiere apostar a que antes o después del primero de octubre el TEPJF reconfirmará las victorias de Carlos Orvañanos y Demetrio Sodi en esas demarcaciones? Es carambola cantada: Maca no va a renunciar a sus bonos, y ahora a la mejor ya ni siquiera querrá irse a la Corte, donde cobraría menos de lo que hoy gana.

La supresión de tres secretarías, el despido de miles de empleados públicos y el paquete de impuestos que reducirá aún más el consumo, achicará más el mercado interno y por lo tanto agudizará la recesión y multiplicará la violencia, persigue un objetivo central: elevar los privilegios de la alta burocracia para que ésta se mantenga leal a Calderón. Como éste no tiene autoridad moral para exigirle ni siquiera un modesto sacrificio a sus empleados –ya vimos que con la aplicación de la Ley de Salarios Máximos el país ahorraría 200 mil millones de pesos por lo menos y todos los altos cargos seguirían cobrando sueldazos–, se ensaña con el pueblo, escudándose en una justificación ridícula: gracias a estas medidas, cada pobre recibirá una ayuda de siete pesos diarios.

La semana pasada, el periodista Pulitzer Gómez, de la televisión de Monterrey, hizo una encuesta callejera: preguntó a 30 hombres de diversas edades si ya se habían hecho el papanicolau. Uno respondió que sí y que había salido negativo por suerte, la mayoría que no, pero que pensaban hacérselo pronto. Y sólo dos se dieron cuenta de la broma. Este es el verdadero grado de educación que han logrado darle al país el neoliberalismo, Elba Esther Gordillo y Televisa. La prioridad del presupuesto calderónico debería ser la enseñanza, la investigación científica y la creación de empleos temporales para reactivar la economía. Sin embargo, vuelven a pedir que traguemos medicinas amargas pero necesarias, sin tomar en cuenta que desde que vivimos hace 27 años con el cinturón apretado nos hemos convertido en el país con más personas obesas del mundo: estamos gordos de hambre, inflados de carbohidratos.

Nada podemos esperar de quienes pretenden cobrar impuestos a los pobres para combatir la pobreza. Son los mismos que quieren de procurador general de justicia a quien toleró en Chihuahua los incontables asesinatos de mujeres en Ciudad Juárez. En realidad, en el fondo de todo, lo que verdaderamente persiguen es destruir a Pemex y entregar los yacimientos a quienes los llevaron al poder haiga sido como haiga sido. Ya que Reyes Heroles no pudo con la tarea, ahora lo intentará Francisco Gil Díaz, es decir, Salinas de Gortari, a través de Suárez Coppel. No, no es el momento de apretarnos el cinturón sino de fajarnos los calzones.